He October 2, 1968the Plaza of the Three Cultures in Mexico City was the scene of one of the darkest episodes in the country’s history: the Tlatelolco massacre. In the midst of student demonstrations, police and military forces opened fire, leaving a still unknown number of dead and wounded, just before the Olympic Gamess of that year. But what did the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) about these events?
The Intricate Spy Game
In the middle of the Cold warwith a world divided between the block western and communisthe espionage played a crucial role in the policy international. Winston Scotthead of the CIA in Mexico during those years, maintained a close relationship with the Mexican government, particularly with the then president Gustavo Diaz Ordaz and his Secretary of the Interior, Luis Echeverria. Documents declassified in 2003 show how Scott created a network of informants within the highest spheres of Mexican power, known as the program LITEMPO.
Between 1956 and 1969Scott recruited at least 12 informants key, including two former presidents of Mexicoto keep Washington informed about the growing student movement. The informants were identified with codes: Emilio Bolañosnephew of DÃaz Ordaz, was LITEMPO-1; his own Diaz Ordaz It was LITEMPO-2, and Luis EcheverriaLITEMPO-8.
Scott’s relationship with these figures was so close that they attended his third wedding in 1962, a fact recorded even in the Mexican social press. Through these connections, Scott managed to position himself as a key player in movement surveillance student who, in the eyes of the Mexican government and the CIA, had the potential to be a communist threat.
Tlatelolco under surveillance
The Mexican government, with the support of the INCclosely observed every movement of the students. Surveillance included the intervention of thetelephone calls, recording of meetings in universities, and monitoring of leaders of the movement. The INClike the Mexican government, feared that the movement was influenced by icommunist deologiesIt’s a critical moment for Mexico and its relationship with our neighboring country.
During the months leading up to the Olympic Games, the INC and the Pentagon They collaborated closely with the Mexican authorities. The documents reveal that the Pentagon provided the DÃaz Ordaz government weapons, ammunition and communication equipmentwith the aim of control any agitation before and during the Games. The CIA, for its part, provided key intelligence on the student leaders and its alleged connections with radical socialism.
However, despite the amount of information collected, the CIA I didn’t seem to have control clear about what was really happening on the ground. Although reports spoke of a possible communist uprising, there was no clear evidence that linked the student movement with foreign forces.
Contradictions and misinformation
On the day of the massacre, confusion reigned so much in Mexico as in Washington. Winston Scott, from his privileged position, sent a cable to his superiors stating that:
“The first shots were fired by students from the Chihuahua building.”
This version suggested that the students had begun he confrontationwhich would justify the violent response of the army. However, this story was soon denied by witnesses and other reports.
In fact, Scott even presented 15 different versions about what happened in Tlatelolco, many of them contradictory. Some reports mentioned the involvement of agents Cubans or Sovietswhile others suggested that the student movement was being financed by the Mexican Communist Party. But none of these versions could be confirmed.
The confusion surrounding the events was not unique to the CIA. Within the US government itself, interpretations of what happened varied greatly. In the days after the massacre, senior officials of the White House and of State Department expressed concern about the lack of clarity in reports that arrived from Mexico.
The consequences for Scott
Despite the chaos generated by the massacre, Winston Scott continued in his position until 1969, when was forced to leave his position as head of the CIA in Mexico. However, his departure was not directly related to the events in Tlatelolco. According to William Broe, head of the CIA’s Latin American division at the time, Scott’s departure was a administrative decision.
Scott He died in 1971 at the age of 62.leaving behind a legacy of espionage that continues to generate debate to this day. His role in policing the student movement and his close relationship with the Mexican government are clear, but his true knowledge of what It occurred on October 2, 1968 remains uncertain.
The mystery of Tlatelolco
TO 56 years since the massacrethe exact number of deaths remains unclear. Estimates like those of the BBCwho reviewed the original reports in 2005, suggest that the toll could range between 200 and 300 people. However, the most shocking thing is the possibility that the bodies have been removed from the square in garbage trucks, hiding the real magnitude of the tragedy.
What is clear is that the INC played an active role in the surveillance of the student movementalthough his information about what really happened in Tlatelolco was fragmented and, in many cases, contradictory. Until today, the massacre of October 2 remains a topic of debate, and the role of the CIA, although evident, remains an ignored topic in history.
